
The Free Press

“I am saying it clear and loud to President Trump and his cabinet: I am not afraid of you,” said a defiant Mohsen Mahdawi after the pro-Palestinian student organizer at Columbia University was freed last week from federal custody while he fights the administration’s push to deport him.
In his public statements since his release, Mohsen Mahdawi has portrayed himself as a blameless victim of a heavy-handed effort by the Trump administration to punish foreign students for their political opinions. “My only ‘crime’ is refusing to accept the slaughter of Palestinians, opposing war and promoting peace,” he wrote in The New York Times on Friday.
Much of the news coverage has struck a similarly sympathetic tone, focusing on Mahdawi’s defiance—and his belief in the need for common ground between Israelis and Palestinians. In his first network television interview after being freed, he called his release “a light of hope.”
But court filings, a police report, and social media posts paint a very different—and much more troubling—picture of the activist locked in a legal fight with the administration. At stake here is not just the question of who Mahdawi really is—but how he obtained a green card to begin with and whether he should keep it.
Mahdawi, 34, grew up in a refugee camp in the West Bank and arrived in the U.S. in 2014. Vermont locals told a TV station that he moved to the state after he met and married an American woman stationed in the Middle East on military service.
Only a year later, Mahdawi was the focus of a police report in Windsor, Vermont. According to the report, a gun-shop owner told police that Mahdawi came to his store twice, was interested in buying a sniper rifle and an automatic weapon, and said that he “used to build modified 9mm submachine guns to kill Jews while he was in Palestine.”
Mahdawi offered to work at the store “for no monetary payment” to learn about “making guns and modifying guns,” the report said. The owner also told police that he saw Mahdawi taking photographs outside the gun shop. When Mahdawi said he planned to give the photos to the owner to post on Facebook, he was invited inside the store and took more photos, according to the police report. The owner told police that he concluded Mahdawi wanted to know “what was in place for security cameras, the type of locks and security on the doors, and to detail the merchandise in the business.”
That same summer, a tour guide at a vintage firearms museum said that a Middle Eastern man expressed interest in buying an automatic rifle and a sniper rifle. The tour guide told police at the time that the visitor said, “I like to kill Jews,” according to the report.
Mahdawi later told an FBI agent that he had visited the gun shop and museum, but denied ever discussing buying weapons or killing Jews. The police report has been sealed from the public as part of Mahdawi’s immigration case. Mahdawi told the court that the FBI closed its investigation. The FBI agent told the judge that the investigation ended but wasn’t officially closed. The judge concluded in his ruling last week that “some action would have resulted” if the FBI “had substantiated the information.”
While the FBI investigation into Mahdawi was dealt with by the federal judge who cleared him for release, the 29-page ruling made no mention of Mahdawi’s social media posts paying tribute to family members with ties to Palestinian terrorist groups and implicated in the murder of Israeli civilians.
Last year on Instagram, Mahdawi described a cousin, Maysara Masharqa, as a “fierce resistance fighter” and “dreamer of liberation” who was killed “after a clash with a traitor Zionist force.”
Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, a network of Palestinian armed groups, said that Masharqa was one of its “most prominent field commanders” in Jenin. The Israeli Defense Forces said Masharqa “took part in shooting attacks against Israeli communities” and was in a vehicle with Hamas’s leader in Jenin when they were killed by the Israeli military in August of 2024.
Israeli court records show that Masharqa also confessed in 2012 to throwing improvised explosive devices and Molotov cocktails at IDF soldiers “on a large number of occasions and from a short distance,” making pipe bombs, and conspiring to shoot and kill. He was sentenced to eight years in prison.
“Justice is inevitable,” Mahdawi wrote in an Instagram post in January of this year when his uncle’s name appeared on a list of Palestinian prisoners expected to be released in a deal that also returned to Israel four female soldiers who were taken hostage during the October 7, 2023, attack by Hamas.
The uncle, Yousef Mahdawi, was sentenced to life in prison for planning a 2003 suicide bomber attack in the Israeli city of Netanya that injured more than 60 people. Israeli court documents show that Yousef Mahdawi recruited the bomber and has received about 1.1 million shekels ($311,000) from the Palestinian Authority since his arrest as part of its “pay for slay” program for Palestinian prisoners incarcerated in Israel.
Two of Mohsen Mahdawi’s other cousins died in a firefight with Israel in 2023. An Instagram post last October shows their faces and those of four more cousins and an uncle, all “born, raised, and killed in refugee camps” by “the Israeli Zi0nists [sic] violence in the West Bank,” he wrote.
Then there’s the question of what, exactly, Mahdawi has been doing since he arrived in the U.S. in 2014.
According to his LinkedIn profile, from 2008 to 2014 Mahdawi studied computer engineering at Birzeit University, Ramallah, in the West Bank. He then worked at a bank in New Hampshire for about a year. Mahdawi was at Dartmouth College in 2016 and 2017, and “studied a handful of classes for one year,” his LinkedIn profile said.
But Dartmouth told The Free Press that its records “indicate that no one by that name is or has been enrolled as a Dartmouth student.”
Mahdawi then studied at Lehigh University in Pennsylvania for more than two years, but left in the spring of 2020 without finishing a degree, the college said. His LinkedIn profile said he started a “Middle Eastern student organization” and “a catalyst group to bring change and diversity into the student senate.”
In 2021, Mahdawi began at Columbia. By then he had logged more than 20 semesters as an undergraduate between his stints at Birzeit and Lehigh. After more than a decade in the U.S., he has said he hopes to graduate this month and start a master’s degree program in September in international and public affairs. Columbia declined to comment about Mahdawi.
After October 7, Mahdawi emerged as one of the leaders of the anti-Israel protests on Columbia’s campus. In November 2023, New York magazine described him as co-president of the Palestinian Students Union. A month later, 60 Minutes called Mahdawi a student on the “fight for a free Palestine and the fight against antisemitism.”

Mahdawi was known as a prominent member of Columbia University Apartheid Divest, the anti-Israel student group that seized Hamilton Hall in 2024. At a protest in January 2024, Mahdawi screamed into a megaphone, “There’s nothing, nothing more honorable than dying for a noble cause, for freedom, for humanity, and for justice.”
That month, Mahdawi was the subject of a complaint filed by a Jewish film student at Columbia, who accused him of blaring a siren through his megaphone, causing hearing damage to the pro-Israel counterprotesters. According to the film student, he didn’t know who Mahdawi was and called him a Nazi.
About two months later, the Jewish student was told by Columbia’s “student conduct team” that he had violated the Columbia discrimination policy by calling the person with the megaphone a Nazi. In other words, it wasn’t Mahdawi who the university was investigating for disciplinary action. Rather, Columbia was investigating the pro-Israel student who called Mahdawi a slur. (Columbia said later that it had decided not to take any disciplinary action.)
“We understand that this was not the result you had hoped for,” Columbia said. Columbia added that it “is committed to supporting you and any other members of the community who may have been impacted.”
Around the same time, Mahdawi was among about 60 student leaders asked to join a new group whose members were paid a stipend by the university to create “an opportunity for students to learn from each other, listen to each other, build new connections, and bring back to Columbia a renewed sense of possibility,” according to a person familiar with the situation and Columbia’s description of the program.
Mahdawi was arrested during an April 14 interview that was supposed to be the last step before his formal naturalization as a U.S. citizen. He passed a citizenship test and signed a document that said he was willing to take the Oath of Allegiance to the United States. Three masked Homeland Security agents and a supervisor then arrested him.
“Even if he were a firebrand, his conduct is protected by the First Amendment,” the judge wrote in last week’s ruling. The ruling means that Mahdawi can live in Vermont and remain a Columbia student while the government tries to deport him. Mahdawi and his lawyer, Luna Droubi, didn’t respond to The Free Press’s requests for comment.
A sealed document in Mahdawi’s case, signed by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, suggests that the Trump administration will keep trying to use Mahdawi’s incendiary statements against him.
The document, seen by The Free Press, cites “threatening rhetoric and intimidation of pro-Israeli bystanders” by Mahdawi at protests that called for “Israel’s destruction.” Such protests reinforce antisemitism and “potentially undermine the peace process underway in the Middle East,” the document says.
The administration claims that Mahdawi’s presence alone “would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences and would compromise a compelling U.S. foreign policy interest.”
When I asked Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, how she sees Mahdawi’s case unfolding, she told me, “I can’t see any outcome in which he remains in the United States. If all of those things are corroborated”––his family ties, Instagram posts, the gun shop––“this is a slam-dunk case, and more than enough to deport him.” In fact, Vaughan argues that Mahdawi’s familial ties to terrorism “should have been enough to refuse him entry at all.”
Conor Fitzpatrick, a supervising senior attorney at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, views it quite differently. “Under the First Amendment, there are established standards for things like incitement and threats, and we require a very high showing from the government before they can punish someone for otherwise protected speech. The idea that we’re going to have essentially a diet version of that for immigrants is not only antithetical to free speech, but it just wouldn’t work.” He added, “We judge people not by the company they keep, but by their own actions.”
Prosecutors haven’t detailed their precise legal strategy, but the judge’s order said the Trump administration “states that it has some other information” about Mahdawi’s history “that it has not shared with the court.”
Mahdawi has said his deportation to the West Bank would be “a death sentence.”
CORRECTION: A previous version of this story said Birzeit University was located in Gaza. Birzeit is located in the West Bank. This has been updated. The Free Press regrets the error.
For more coverage on Trump’s deportations, read Jed Rubenfeld on Mahmoud Khalil:
Despite what you may read in The New York Times or on MAGA social media, the Trump administration’s planned deportation of Mahmoud Khalil is not an easy case. In fact, it’s a maze of statutory and constitutional issues.